CONTENDING WITH CHINA’S TERRITORY HUNGER
Paper No. 5324 Dated 13-Dec-2012
By Bhaskar Roy
Following the 18th
Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in November, the CCP’s Hong Kong
based mouthpiece, the Wen Weipo wrote that China’s efforts to protect
its maritime rights will continue to increase.
In the party work
report presented by outgoing CCP General Secretary, Hu Jintao, no words were
minced that the emphasis was high on building military strength to retrieve
what it claimed as Chinese territory, especially maritime territory.
These territories included the Spratly group of islands, reefs and corals in
the South China Sea, the Diaoyu or Senkaku islands in the East China Sea, and,
of course, Taiwan.
Hong Kong has been the traditional window for China from Mao
Zedong’s time. Using a Hong Kong mouth piece was to give a warning to the
countries with which China has maritime territorial disputes.
There is a serious
conflict between China and South Korea on maritime territory which is hardly
reported in the media. Although Seoul is an American ally, it wants to
maintain a stable relationship with China for economic reasons as well as
regional stability. It is acutely aware of the threat it faces from North
Korea, an ally of China and which has been bailed out by Beijing in each and
every act of transgression against the South. But it is not in South
Korea’s interest to react publicly against China.
It is well known
that energy security is China’s first priority. The South China Sea is
assessed to hold over 23 billion barrels oil. Gas has already been explored by
China. The Chinese claims, if they fructify, can put the Asia Pacific
Region (APR) under China’s control.
An aspect not
discussed widely is the settlement of the country’s burgeoning population. Even
Tibet and Xinjiang may not be able to contain the push as Beijing tends to ease
its “one-child” policy to balance ageing population. There are some
researches to suggest that China is acquiring long term mining contracts in
African countries where Chinese workers can eventually settle down. The
proverbial China towns.
Population migration
is a process since Man began his journey. But in today’s age if such
migration is a state policy, there is the fear of Trojan Horses being injected
and much more. Human and raw material interests overseas need to be
protected. This would require a strong navy, airborne forces and friendly
countries to stage any operation. Therefore, the emphasis on the PLA Navy
(PLAN). These are, however, some years away.
Two actions taken by
the Chinese authorities post the Party Congress raises serious questions on
what strategy China is embarking upon. One was stamping of Chinese map on
passports that show India’s Arunachal Pradesh and disputed Aksai Chin as
Chinese territories; including South China Sea with the nine dashed lines to
claim Chinese sovereignty; including Taiwan as China’s territory, which is not
unusual; a major omission in this map was non-inclusion of the Diaoyu/Senkaku
island.
The other was the
law enacted by China’s Hainan province in November which empowers the police of
this island province to board and control foreign ships which enter the
province’s waters without permission. The law will come into effect from
January 01, 2013, and the full ambit of the law is yet to be declared. Hainan
province, which is located at the eastern mouth of the South China Sea, is
responsible for protecting and administrating China’s claims in this huge water
body.
The South China Sea
is the shortest route between the Pacific and the Indian Ocean, and one of the
busiest international shipping lanes. Oil and gas imports for countries like
Japan also traverse this sea. India has an equally important interest in
the freedom of navigation through the South China Sea.
A striking omission
from the passport maps is that of Senkaku (in Japanese) or Diaoyu (in Chinese)
Islands in the East China Sea. China may have a better case on the
ownership of Diaoyu island than on the Spratly group of islands in the South
China Sea.
Over the last two years China-Japan relations erupted into
several face offs over the ownership of these islands, leading to anti-Japan
riots in China, and hardening of position in Japan. There was economic
casualty on both sides. China continues to send ships to the Diaoyu
island waters, where clashes took place earlier.
The atmosphere in
the East China Sea was so palpable over the last few months that a China-Japan
naval clash became almost inevitable. So, what made China exclude the
Diaoyu islands from the new territorial map?
The Chinese
authorities have been acutely concerned over the USA’s Asia ‘pivot’ or
‘rebalance’. Initially, US President Barack Obama’s Asia rebalance
declaration was not taken too seriously in Beijing. The USA had withdrawn
from Iraq without any evidence it had won a victory. It was in the
process of pulling out of Afghanistan without achieving their stated
goal. Economic down turn had weakened the USA, forcing it to announce
medium term cut in defense budget. On the other hand, China had
surmounted the global economic meltdown, defense development had made the
People’s Liberation Army (PLA) more confident and assertive, and a (misplaced)
view that the global centre of gravity had shifted from Washington to Beijing,
that is, the “Beijing consensus”. That does not hold any longer.
Obama’s Asian
rebalance is not necessarily to beat down China. Far from it, China’s
contribution to global economic recovery has been acknowledged. Obama
made it amply clear that the US shift to the Asia Pacific Region was economic
centric, to create jobs for Americans. The gradual military shift was to
ensure that the region remained stable, conducive to economic development in
which all have a share. When a large and powerful country like China
decides to walk all over its neighbours, things, unfortunately, change.
It is possible that
China took on Japan so stridently since the once in ten years leadership change
was in process. Nationalism has been contrived by the Chinese Communist
Party in such a manner, that the authorities are forced to bend to the public
demand.
In testing the
strength and resilience of the US pivot, Beijing may have made a mistake in
taking on Japan, America’s strongest ally in the region and one of the critical
strategic anchors across the world.
Instead of making
international headlines, the US State Department sent a delegation led by
former Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage to Japan and China end of November.
Armitage dispelled the Chinese perception that the US was neutral. He made it
abundantly clear that America was not neutral when its “ally was a victim of
coercion or aggression or intimidation”. The message, apparently, went
home. That, however, does not mean that China will stop sending its
fishing vessels, coast guard ships and naval craft to the Diaoyu waters.
The South China Sea
issue and the manner in which China is handling it not only affects the other
claimants, but the international community as a whole. If it is taken
over by China then the seamless International shipping lanes will be
choked. The Atlantic and Pacific oceans are free, and so is the Indian
Ocean. This will throw ocean based trade in disarray and seriously hurt
trade and economic development in the region. China’s assurances that
even if they control the South China Sea normal maritime traffic will not be
affected cannot be relied upon. The world has seen many Chinese promises
to despair at the end. When China bought the Ukraine aircraft carrier
they said it would be an entertainment platform. Now “Voryag” is
‘Liaoning’, a full fledged aircraft carrier.
Why has the Hainan
provincial law been enacted to control the South China Sea water? And why
the full ambit of the law is yet to be declared? It may be recalled that
a Chinese official had proposed in 2010 to US Secretary of State Hillary
Clinton that the US recognize the South China Sea as its “core” interest.
The US declined and made it public, angering the Chinese leadership.
Officially, India has kept away from any statements on the Hainan law.
New Delhi has critical interest in freedom of navigation in the South China
Sea. But it would be premature to give an official opinion till the
Chinese clarify their intentions. The US has asked China to clarify its
position before taking any action.
The comments of the
Indian Naval Chief Admiral D.K. Joshi to a journalist’s question cannot be
taken an exception to. The question put a possible scenario and what the
navy would do. Of course, if India’s national interests were threatened
it would be the solemn responsibility of the Indian navy to act if it was a
naval subject.
Only the timing was
sensitive. National Security Advisor Mr. Shivshankar Menon was in Beijing at
that time to meet his interlocutor Dai Bingguo on the border negotiations, as
Dai is retiring and will be replaced by another Chinese official. A smooth
transition is essential.
Although Admiral
Joshi’s comments did not have any disturbing effect, China took the opportunity
to reiterate their claims.
But Beijing, with such positions may be
pushing the envelope too far. They may have been apparently encouraged by
keeping the ASEAN split on the Spratly islands’ ownership.
There has been a
thrust over some years now to press India to keep a distance from the USA
especially if there is anything do with China. China has been projecting
repeatedly that India is collaborating with the USA and Japan to counter
China. This reflects a nervous and fragile Chinese foreign policy.
China wants to play a dominant role and become the strong China that it
was 170 years ago, before the two opium wars.
This makes for an
unexpected outcome. China’s opaqueness is a challenge. To build
trust China has to be transparent.
(The author is a New Delhi based strategic
analyst. He can be reached at e-mail grouchohart@yahoo.com)
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