Russia-India Strategic Partnership 2012: Contextual Imperatives for Enhancement
http://www.southasiaanalysis.org/node/1106
By Dr. Subhash Kapila; Dated 26-Dec-2012
By Dr. Subhash Kapila; Dated 26-Dec-2012
“India
is one of our strategic privileged partner…..and speaking from the
point of view of geographical representation……India is number one”.
-------President Putin, December 2004
“The Declaration of
Strategic Partnership between India and Russia signed in October 2000
became a truly historic step. The developments of the first decade of
the 21st Century confirmed that it was a particularly significant and timely step."------President Putin December 23, 2012
President
Putin’s visit to New Delhi for the Annual Summit on December 22, 2012
provides the appropriate moment for a review of the contextual strategic
imperatives for enhancement of this vital relationship. Moreso, when in
recent times some hairline cracks seem to have crept-in on both sides
in terms of future perspectives on this strategic partnership.
The
Indian policy establishment flush with the heady excitement of the
decade-old US-India Strategic Partnership, though
still evolving, perceptively seems to be overlooking the time-tested
and six decades of strategic value- added Russia-India Strategic
Partnership.
President Putin was not only the architect of Russia’s strategic resurgence in the first decade of the 21st Century
but also the architect of the reclamation of the Russia-India Strategic
Partnership which had drifted during the 1990s under President Yeltsin,
under American pressures.
To
set the contextual perspectives right, it needs to be pointed out that
the Russian Constitution amended in 2008 provides for two terms of six
years each. This means that President Putin can be in office till 2024. This
should be significant for India in that it provides extended continuity
in Russian policies under the stewardship of President Putin who
in the first decade of his Century invested strongly in building the
Russia-India Strategic Partnership.
Russia
and President Putin cannot however be taken for granted by the Indian
policy establishment as recent developments indicated. As a riposte to
India’s overzealous strategic ardour for the United States, Russia
indulged in political signalling to India of opening up politically to
Pakistan. This included a couple of high-level Russian visits to
Islamabad in 2012 and a visit by President Putin, later cancelled.
President
Putin’s December visit to India came after eight weeks of postponement,
seemingly as a result of Russian unhappiness with India on the Sistema
telecom dispute, Russian nuclear plants liability issues and India
overlooking the Russian fighter in the finalisation of its MRCA deal.
Contextually,
in 2012, Russia and India can ill-afford to let resolvable minor
differences overshadow the overall value of the Russia-India Strategic
Partnership. The rapidly evolving geopolitical and geostrategic contours
in Asia Pacific throw up strategic challenges and uncertainties for
both Russia and India. The leadership in both Russia and India need to
put their heads together and work out convergent initiatives to overcome
them.
Strategic
challenges for both Russia and India arise from China’s unrestrained
military aggressiveness and brinkmanship over maritime sovereignty
issues in South East Asia and East Asia and escalation of tensions in
the unsettled border regions of the India-China Occupied Tibet borders.
The
United States strategic pivot to Asia Pacific generates its own
strategic dynamics
and newer alignments in Asia which Russia can ill-ignore as the second
leading global power, or which India can ill-ignore by standing as a
passive spectator, as China generates military turbulence on India’s
borders and India’s contiguous regions.
Russia
has commenced its own ‘strategic pivot' to Asia in response to the
United States strategic moves, and possibly also as a long-range reading
of China’s military assertiveness. For any strategic pivot to Asia
Pacific by Russia it cannot depend on China to further its national
interests as there are inherent strategic contradictions in their
respective national aspirations.
Russia’s
strategic pivot to Asia Pacific can be furthered only by countries
which have had a long history of strategic partnerships with Russia. In
this direction, Russia
would need countries like India and Vietnam, both regional powers of
note. India is an emerging global player of consequence and could add
strategic weight to Russian initiatives in Asia Pacific and also on the
global stage.
To
be noted for strategic analysis is the reality that Russia, China and
Vietnam share borders with China with a common history of China
contesting these borders.
India
too has discovered that its evolving strategic partnership with the
United States has not provided the strategic insurance that India sought
when it initially changed its strategic directions in relation to its
two military adversaries, China and Pakistan, both figuring markedly in
its threat perceptions.
India
today stands
piquantly placed in 2012 strategically. Its choices are basically two
and these are whether to bow strategically to reclaim the original
flavour of its historical Russia-India Strategic Partnership and its
enhancement or keep plodding towards the strategically unrequited
US-India Strategic Partnership
The
global and Asian security environment in 2012 does not brook ‘strategic
equidistance’ from both leading global powers, a favourite euphuism of
the Indian policy establishment for strategic vacillation and making
hard choices.
The
Russia-India Strategic Partnership suitably enhanced offers greater
strategic dividends to India in terms of strategic perspectives. In this
connection, this Author’s Concluding Observations in SAAG paper No 3732
dated 25 March 2010 bear repetition.
: "Russia
is not carrying any ‘Pakistan Baggage’ in its policy approaches in
South Asia and towards India. The Russia-India Strategic Partnership is
better placed to serve India’s national security interests. To some
Indians it may be devoid of glamorous embellishments but then in the
end-game in strategically and politically turbulent times for India, a
strategic partnership requires the assured stability of a strongly and
deeply embedded ‘sheet anchor’. The Russia-India Strategic Partnership
carries that distinction which stands historically validated”
India
recently lived through turbulent times and in 2012 strategic
perspectives ahead portend that much more strategic turbulence awaits
India in the years
ahead. India’s strategic choices therefore should be obvious.
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