Attempted extermination of Shias in Pak
Pakistan’s Shias are so regularly killed in targeted attacks that counting the numbers who were thus killed in 2012 is an uphill task. Just to give an idea, even before the start of the Muharram month, when anti-Shia violence is usually routinely anticipated and accepted
as a given, the numbers killed had crossed 389 — the number of
people the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan says died in sectarian
violence in 2011.
This time, the terrorists were emboldened enough to announce their intent. Ahead of Muharram, a number of Shias received text messages saying ‘Kill, Kill Shias.’
Sure enough, the self-appointed deciders of who is or is not a Muslim
struck, killing 23 in two separate bomb blasts early on in the Muharram
month.
RELENTLESS TARGETING.
Through
the year, terrorists have been relentless in going after Shias; be it
in
Parachinar along the Pakistan-Afghanistan border, Gilgit-Baltistan,
Quetta, Karachi or the garrison town of Rawalpindi. The clinical manner
in which the terrorists have been going about their “mission” has been
chilling, generating enough disquiet among the members of the community to take to the streets on December 8 outside the United Nations headquarters in New York protesting the “genocide in Pakistan.”
Sub Caste among Shias - The Hazaras - Worst affected.
Of
all Shias, the Hazaras are sitting ducks, their distinctive Mongloid
features marking them out. They are pulled out of buses and shot down
often enough to force many to leave the country.
Shias are isolated for killing based on Muharram inflicted body marks.
In all other Shia killings too — except the attacks on Muharram processions — they are identified by the self-flagellation scars acquired by Shia men during the Muharram mourning rituals.
Video evidence.
a ) Identified by Shia names.
The video footage of one such attack on the Karakoram Highway
earlier this year shows a convoy of buses being stopped by gun-toting
terrorists. Unhurriedly, the terrorists — dressed in Army fatigues — ask
the passengers to furnish their national identity cards to single out those with Shia names.
b ) Identified by Shia specific prayer verses.The
grainy video does not clearly show this but some accounts of the attack
claim the passengers were made to recite a particular prayer which
Shias say differently.
c ) Identified by Muharram marks on body. Thereafter,
the ‘kameez’ (shirts) of the men were lifted to check for
self-flagellation marks. Their Shia identity established, they were
lined up and killed amid chants of “kafir, kafir; Shia kafir” (infidels,
infidels; Shia are infidels). In this particular attack, three Sunni men were also killed for trying to
defend the Shias.
The real problem. These terrorist killings of Shias has public support.
More chilling than the actual violence is the general acceptance of
such incidents. Apart from the momentary media coverage, perfunctory
editorials and outpouring of angst on various social media platforms
when an incident like this happens, not much national debate ever takes place over Shia killings. But it may not help very
much either, going by the zero difference that the national debate over Malala’s shooting has made.
Even the Shia politicians are silent - Vote bank politics.
Unlike
other persecuted communities, the Shias — who constitute about 20 per
cent of the population — are not down and out socially or politically.
“The President, Chairman of Senate and National Assembly Speaker — three
constitutional office-holders in the country — are Shias
; but they seldom speak up for the
community for fear of losing political clout or support of non-Shias.
Media apathy.
Similar
apathy exists in the media [where many honchos are Shias]. Many of my
colleagues do not speak about sectarian issues for fear of being branded
fundamentalists/extremists,” rues Baqir Sajjad Syed of Dawn newspaper.
Half of Pakistan public do not accept Shias as Muslims.
According
to Islamic Research Institute Director-General Khalid Masud, Shias have
traditionally been leading contributors to the intellectual discourse
among the subcontinent’s Muslims. Yet, a recent Pew Research Centre
study showed that 50 per cent of Pakistanis do not accept Shias as Muslims.
Though
Shia-Sunni differences are not new to the
subcontinent, Pakistan’s penchant for allowing geo-politics to be
played out in its backyard has
exacerbated the tensions; particularly since the Iranian Revolution and
the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan that quickly followed.
IRAN REVOLUTION
While the
Iranian Revolution, according to historian Tahir Kamran, seemingly
“emboldened” Pakistan’s Shias who “abandoned the Shia tradition of
political quietism,”
Saudis strongly behind Sunnification ( Not just Islamisation ) of Pakistan.
The Afghan jihad against the Soviets had the Saudis bankroll the then military ruler Zia-ul Haq’s Islamisation project which encouraged the “Sunnification of Pakistan.”
“
Shia Iran vs Sunni Pakistan plus Saudi. The conflicts.
Emboldened
in the wake of the
Revolution’s success in Iran, the Shia were public and vociferous in
putting forward demands for ‘rights and representation’, trusting in
Khomeini’s support, which he quite lavishly extended to them. Former
Foreign Minister of Pakistan Agha Shahi revealed: ‘Khomeni once sent a
message to Zia-ul Haq, telling him that if he mistreated the Shia, he
[Khomeni] would do to him what he had done to the Shah’,” Mr. Kamran
wrote in an essay in the publication Sectarian Militancy in Pakistan.
The Saudi-backed effort to turn Pakistan into not just a Sunni country but a Deobandi Sunni stream — that, too, of the puritanical Wahabbi-Salafi order — clashed directly with this Shia assertiveness in Pakistan.
Religious conflict within the tenents of Islam fuel the fire.
An early point of clash arose when Zia made it compulsory for all Muslims to pay zakat (a tax to support charity) to
the state. It is ok with Sunnis ; but Shia jurisprudence regards this as a personal matter and a very large number of Shias organised to demand that they be excluded. This Shia movement was given some support by Iran. While
the Shias won that round, a line had been drawn that has continued to
become darker and bloodier with time,” wrote Pakistani-American writer
Omar Ali in an article on ‘Shias and their future in Pakistan.’
MORE ON SAUDI-BACKED ‘SUNNIFICATION OF PAK’
A
native of Jhang — the hub of anti-Shia terror networks like
Sipah-e-Sahaba (SSP) and its breakaway
Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ) — Prof. Masud maintains that the anti-Shia
rhetoric began much earlier as he recalls hate literature against Shias
being circulated from the 1950s in this central Punjab district. So the
ground was fertile for Saudi-backed ‘Sunnification’ and this made Shias
launch their own militant outfit, clearly sharpening the divide.
Technically
banned, the SSP and the LeJ have a free run with the former functioning
under the new name, Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat (ASWJ). The SSP — which has
contested elections — has a vote bank and the ASWJ claimed that the
Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) won the recent by-elections in Punjab
with its help. Such alliances debilitate political parties’ ability to
adopt zero tolerance towards terrorism.
All
this
notwithstanding, the anti-Shia rhetoric has till date not percolated
into the curriculum Islamised under Zia. In fact, many in the Pakistani
middle class still have no clear idea of where the anti-Shia polemic is
coming from. It was not part of our education. ' While Shias were a
minority sect, their version of Karbala and the martyrdom of Husain was
accepted ' writes Mr. Ali adding that Saudi Wahhabis have a well-developed anti-Shia polemic that brands Shias as heretics.
Demands to declare Shias as Non-Muslims.
While
SSP & Co want Shias to be declared ‘non-Muslims’ like the Ahmadis,
Dr. Masud maintains this is unlikely as the Shia community is much
larger than the Ahmadis. Ironically, Shia parliamentarians had supported the law against Ahmadis
and today their community faces a similar threat — a stark reminder of
the eternal truth in Martin Neimoller’s Holocaust poem ‘First
they came…
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