Babus Transforming India

Big Dreamer: Babus Transforming India- Dream Governance

How US Manages Scarce Frequency Spectrum: Can India learn a few lessons?

Federal Communication Commission
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Congress requires the Federal Communications Commission (Commission) to produce an annual report on the state of competition in the mobile services marketplace under section 332(c)(1)(C) of the Communications Act. In May 2010, the Commission released the Fourteenth Report, which provided an analysis of mobile wireless market conditions during 2008 and 2009.

This year’s fifteenth Mobile Wireless Competition Report (Fifteenth Report or Report) updates the data and analysis presented in the Fourteenth Report, and analyzes mobile wireless service market conditions during 2009 and 2010,

including “competitive market conditions with respect to commercial mobile services” as required by the Act.

Like the Fourteenth Report, the Fifteenth Report presents a multitude of industry data on various aspects of mobile wireless competition
Federal Communications Commission FCC 11-103- click here for the complete Report
Comment: We can avoid scams like the 2G if we have a Policy that envisages and encourages level playing field for the Communicators and not for Scamsters, Money spinners/ Launders and Terrorists.

The Central Police Forces and State Armed Police

USE OF INCORRECT TERMINOLOGY
Dear Chander,
I had written an article titled "Restructuring the Central Police Forces and the State Armed Police to Combat Internal Insurgencies". It was published in the South Asia Defence and Strategic Year Book 2011, which was published early this year. I am enclosing a copy as an attachment. As you will see, it is a long article of 4781 words, which all may not be interested to read. However, I would recommend that the portion highlighted in yellow be read by all. Following the publishing of the article, I was informed that the then Home Secretary (retired recently) issued immediate instructions to the police forces not to call themselves para military forces. As suggested by me, the Home Ministry issued a policy letter dated 18/22 March 2011 wherein all the armed police forces were instructed to adopt a uniform nomenclature as suggested by me. I am enclosing a scanned copy of the same as the second attachment. I do not know whether the police forces and others will follow the instructions but it is important that they do. The media continues to use the term para military forces incorrectly and so do even defence officers. Army Headquarters needs to contact all editors of newspapers and magazines, as well as others, including their subordinate formations and request them to instruct their scribes/ others to use the correct nomenclature. I thought the readers of your blog would be interested to know; they could then correct people who continue to use the wrong nomenclature. Warm regards.·
Vijay Oberoi
Former Vice Chief of Army Staff (VCOAS)
Former Director Centre for Land Warfare Studies (CLAWS)
Lt Gen Vijay Oberoi, PVSM, AVSM, VSM

“Restructuring the Central Police Forces and the State Armed Police to Combat Internal Insurgencies” By Lt Gen Vijay Oberoi, PVSM, AVSM, VSM

INTRODUCTION
India has a plethora of police forces, with different organizations, both at the central as well as the state levels. Additional units of such forces are also being raised. Till a few years back, these forces were used more on the basis of availability than their primary tasks. As an example, the Border Security Force (BSF), which is meant for deployment on the international borders, was for long used for conducting counter-insurgency operations. Although the tasks were rationalised once again in 2001 when a major exercise was carried out by a Group of Ministers (GoM), the tendency to use these police forces in an ad hoc manner continues.
India has a large number of internal security challenges, where groups of militants have taken up arms to force the nation to meet their demands. These include the insurgencies in all the states of the north east, the major Pakistan-supported insurgency in J & K and the growing Maoist insurgency in six states of the country. The situation is compounded by internal insurgencies of different types in practically all countries of South Asia, as there are linkages between various groups of insurgents in India and its neighbouring countries.
Till now, the Indian leadership has relied on the Indian military, especially the army in meeting such internal challenges because the armed police forces were not capable of doing so. This has undoubtedly resulted in adversely affecting the army’s ability to meet its primary task, viz. the external challenges of the nation. However, as the armed police forces of the country are still not capable of meeting these threats, the army continues to be employed on internal security tasks. This state of affairs must change, but it can happen only when the armed police forces of the nation are made capable of confronting such internal challenges. There are many reasons for this state of affairs, ranging from inadequacies in structural organisations, obsolescent equipment, a flawed leadership pattern, weaknesses of training, improper use of such police forces, a culture more attuned to routine policing, lack of infrastructure and administrative backing and the tendency of deploying these forces in penny packets. Unless these flaws are rectified, these armed police organisations are unlikely to become capable of meeting major internal security challenges.
On account of the manner in which armed police forces have operated in the past, the public has lost faith in their ability to operate impartially. They are also prone to use excessive force, which is a sure way of alienating the public. The reason is that they become panicky very quickly in the face of agitating crowds and resort to firing prematurely, when less lethal methods could restore order. It is a truism that the public has, over the last six decades faith only in the army, without realizing that this actually works for weakening the army to be ready for its main and primary task, viz deterring and if needed defeating the external enemies of the nation.
Despite many efforts in the past, the armed police forces have been incapable of improving to a degree where they can take on major internal security tasks like counter insurgency and counter terrorism. I also discern reluctance on their part to make themselves capable, as can be seen by their non-acceptance of many measures suggested by the army, especially in the matter of manning and leadership of such police forces. Although the country needs to make these armed police forces capable of carrying out their internal security tasks in an efficient manner, opinion is increasingly of the view that perhaps the country needs a separate force for dealing with high grade insurgency, so that the army can be relieved of such duties and this new force can assume the mantle of conducting high grade internal security operations, including counter insurgency and counter terrorist operations. The above aspects are proposed to be discussed in the following parts in this paper:·
Part I – Clarifications on nomenclatures.
Part II - Current organisational structures and weaknesses of the armed police forces.
Part III – Major internal security challenges in India.
Part IV – Suggested actions to strengthen the armed police forces.
Part V - A separate internal security force to meet the internal challenges of the future.

Pakistan’s confessions

Pakistan’s confessions
India shouldn’t go slow on defence modernisation
by Lt-Gen Harwant Singh (retd)
The Pakistan Defence Minister in a recent statement has acknowledged that his country just cannot match India in defence capabilities. This, it is argued, is due to the vast difference in the GDP and foreign trade of the two countries, etc. But these essential constraints have never held back Pakistan from not only attempting to achieve parity with India in defence capabilities but also to constantly needle this country.

Pakistan, following the policy of beg, borrow and steal, has all along tried to maintain parity in defence capabilities vis-a-vis India. In the 1965 war it fielded larger and the then latest fleet of tanks as compared to India. In infantry and artillery, India’s edge was only marginal and that too because India was able to withdraw troops from the Tibet border due to winter conditions there. India brought about destruction of Pakistan armour and came out on top through some luck and, to an extent, due to superior generalship. In 1971, too, India was able to shift the troops deployed against Tibet to the plains due to the harsh weather conditions, but this is less likely to happen again.

Notwithstanding this statement from the Pakistan minister, recent reports indicate that it is striving hard to acquire parity with India in nuclear weapons capability and missile technology as also in many other defence-related areas. Its attempts to develop tactical nuclear weapons is an area of much concern for India. As long as the Pakistani security establishment retains control over the social and economic fabric of that nation, peace between the two neighbours will be tenuous, and there will be sustained attempts to achieve balance in military capabilities. Therefore, this assertion by a Pakistani political leader, perhaps to lull India to sleep, needs to be taken with more than a pinch of salt, and calls for a closer look and reality check.

This balance which Pakistan continues to strive to achieve is against only those elements of Indian defence forces that get deployed on its Western front. The understanding and some sort of secret defence pact between China and Pakistan gives the latter assurance that India will not be able to shift troops deployed against Tibet to its Western front, even if there are no hostilities across the Himalayas. With Indian defence budget pegged at below 2 per cent of the GDP and Pakistan to contend with only one part of the Indian forces (those deployed on the Western front), there is not much difficulty for Pakistan to achieve near parity with India, especially when China is there to extend all the help. Increasingly Pakistan is becoming a vassal of China. Of the 20 billion dollar aid that Pakistan received from the US during the last 10 years, much of it has been used for acquiring military hardware.

Pakistan continues to acquire sophisticated weaponry from France — notably, eight upgraded Mirage III and Mirage V combat aircraft. France is also supplying Pakistan with new diesel submarines. The first was commissioned in late 1999, with two more being built under licence in Karachi. Over all, Pakistan is making efforts to build a strong navy to interdict the supply of fuel to India from West Asia if such a need arises. Building of a naval base at the mouth of the Straight of Hurmoz (Gwadar naval base) has to be seen towards creating such a capability.

Vimanas- Flying Saucers of Ancient India

Ancient Indian flying machines, UFOs, or Sanskrit Sci fi? Vimanas


This is amazing indeed and worth watching
Can DRDO rig up one as shown in the diagrams- We can beat China in drone technology!

Is our Society Self Disciplined to Stem Corruption?

In Fight for Better India, Best to Look Within By ANAND GIRIDHARADAS
Published: July 1, 2011 in New York Times Asia Pacific
NEW DELHI — I have entered India from the sky five times over the past year. Those flights started in airports where norms, rules and authority carry weight — Hong Kong; Doha, Qatar; Newark, New Jersey; Frankfurt. But in waiting to board, I have come to a troubling realization: Airport workers around the world have learned the hard way that my people — Indians, resident and diasporic — cannot be boarded the way other humans are.
No: We will not make a line, no matter how the overwhelmed airline staff plead. No: We will not board according to service class or row number; we will push in as early as we can. No: We will not obey the instruction to bring just one piece of carry-on luggage; we will often pretend not to hear, then perform a Tony-worthy pantomime of surprise if confronted.
In Frankfurt recently, I was amazed that even the Teutonic staff of Lufthansa was unable to thwart this behavior. They allowed a kind of mob to form, then dejectedly welcomed its members aboard. I asked about it. A steward shrugged and said that, on flights to India, they give in.
If you make it on board, and soar above the Hindu Kush, and fall at last into India, you will learn that the nation is in the midst of a fit of rage over corruption these days. Hunger strikes are being called; the heads of some scapegoats in power are rolling; protests are swelling here and there.
The overwhelming tone of this rage is “us versus them.” The “us” is the ordinary people of India, the “man on the street,” as they too-literally call him here — hard-working, diligent, scrupulous; the “them” are the bums in politics and the bureaucracy — lazy, deceitful, imperious scoundrels.
But what the airport observation suggests, alongside volumes of other evidence, is that the blame cannot so tidily be placed on the “them.” This may well be an “us” problem as much as a “them” one, in which case the revolution being called for will have to be a revolution within.
To be fair, India is a place of deep, improbable kindness. A society where villagers will do anything for the chance to serve a guest tea, where flight attendants are truly hurt when you forgo food, where the caring that flows through the many wings and generations of a family can make other societies seem cold by comparison. The average Indian tends to be flexible, understanding and tolerant by the standards of a difficult world.
But India is also a place where that abundant kindness fails, far too often, to extend into the anonymous civic sphere, to those beyond one’s little community and beyond one’s sight. In India, to be someone’s house guest or son-in-law or teacher can be delightful. To be a stranger beside the same person at the cinema or bank or airport is another experience altogether.
If a sociology of that Lufthansa gate were to be made, it might pick up certain ideas in the crowd’s behavior.
There is an idea that low-ranking gate staff don’t need to be listened to. There is an idea that you, the individual, are the best judge of how the system should run, not the people whose system it is. There is an idea that rules are mere hints, to be applied when useful. There is an idea of ruthless maximization of one’s interests, the world (and that old lady in front of you) be damned.
And, like it or not, these are ideas that govern how so many Indian lives are lived today: how people drive on the streets of this sprawling capital city; how people seldom hold open a door for a stranger at the mall, or thank you when you do; how people pay off the traffic police instead of waiting five minutes for a ticket to be written; how so many rich men make their billions; how individuals choose to report their income; how adults bribe and influence-peddle their children into top schools; how cellphones are bought tax-free on something casually called the “gray market.”
A heart-rending example involves ambulances. Several times in the past few years, I have been in traffic in a major Indian city and suddenly heard an ambulance behind. To watch it forge fitfully ahead is to observe thousands of drivers make the choice to ignore it. Some people genuinely cannot pull over. But many can. Mostly, they don’t. Not a small number of Indians must die each year thanks to that collective refusal to be bothered.
And this is the issue with the anger now raining on official Delhi. In its focus on those in high places, it ignores a much wider culture of corruption: a culture of rule-breaking, callousness and Hobbesian self-preservation that flourishes with special flagrance in the corridors of power, to be sure, but is hardly confined to it.
If the “them” at the very top are unacceptably corrupt, it may be because the “us” taught them everything they know.
So what to do about it?
Misdiagnosis is dangerous. If the problem remains in the public mind a problem of bad people in power, it may well remain unsolved. If it can be acknowledged as a deeper pattern of Indian life, perhaps something can be done.
That something will have to be more than removing 10, 100 or 1,000 scoundrels from office.
It will have to turn practices now thought acceptable into practices that disgust. It will have to use shame and achieve what other movements of moral suasion — the anti-slavery movement in the 19th century, the anti-smoking cause in modern times — achieved: persuading millions of people, one by one, that the old ways will no longer do and that life will be better for everyone — for them and for their rivals at the airport gate — on the other side.
Join an online conversation at http://anand.ly/
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/07/02/world/asia/02iht-currents02.html?_r=2&scp=5&sq=india&st=cse

India’s blunt instruments of governance is ideal for flourishing and nourishing fakes

India’s blunt instruments of governance can not deliver the change we want.
The India Shining story is finally over. Or so it seems, if you follow the mainstream media — international or national — and social media outlets. Although the India Shining slogan had run its course in 2004 parliamentary elections, the message lasted far longer, for almost another six years.

In the India Shining period, there was a surfeit of good news from and about India. And it made the average, english-speaking Indian feel good. She didn’t belong to the land of elephants, snake-charmers and Maharajas any more. The West was afraid of India’s growth — the westerners feared for their jobs being gobbled by the Indians. It felt great to hear that India would overtake the United States as the world’s second largest economy by 2040 (or was it 2025?).

It was India Unstoppable. Of course, India didn’t miraculously become perfect in 2004 (or in 1998). There was enough of the downside — poverty, malnutrition, illiteracy, underemployment and unemployment, low agricultural growth, urban squalor, infrastructure deficit, terror strikes and yes, even corruption. But they did not dominate the narrative in the minds of the average middle-class Indian. The perception was that India would somehow overcome all these pinpricks and march ahead fearlessly.

Then something happened in 2010. The story of corruption in the Commonwealth Games was perhaps the turning point. A scintillating Opening Ceremony did spawn some patriotic fervour but that elation was short-lived as stories of one scam after another continued to be highlighted in the media. By the middle of 2011, situation has come to such a pass that people are struggling to find positive news, leading some of them to create hashtags on twitter marking good news. Despondency, cynicism and outrage are the predominant emotions in op-eds, TV discussions and on social media platforms today.

It is India Horrible. Of course, everything hasn’t fallen apart in this country in the last nine months. Kashmir has been peaceful, purposeful negotiations with insurgent groups in the North East have delivered results, terror strikes on the Indian mainland have been conspicuous by their absence, FDI inflows have picked up, Aadhar unique identity numbers have been issued to many Indians, peaceful elections have been held in many states and India has even won the cricket world cup. But the narrative is distinctly negative — it is not only feared but many Indians believe that the India story is unravelling now.

Interestingly, those charged with corruption in the recent months — and this includes some very powerful people — are behind bars. New laws are being promised to tackle corruption in high places. But the mood doesn’t seem to change.

What has brought us here?
India’s archaic governance system — policing, judicial, political and administrative — just couldn’t keep pace with the rapid rate of social and economic change in the country. A proverbial fuel-guzzling, high maintenance, constantly under repair, outdated vehicle of governance could be run inefficiently by pouring in more resources provided by India’s high growth rate. Even then, like a spluttering vehicle, it barely managed to pull through up to a point and seems to have finally broken down now.