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Obama II & Indo US Defence Relations Rahul Bhonsle: Apr 11, 2013 With confirmation of the Secretary of State and Defence a few weeks back, US President Barack Obama’s second term is actively underway. Indo US defence relations was one of the main areas of focus during the first term. Much was being made by former Secretary of Defence Robert Gates as well as his successor Leon Panetta of India as the, “net security provider,’ in the region. This term was also picked up by India’s defence minister Mr A K Antony calling the armed forces to look towards security of the regional commons. The pitch on India during the second tenure of President Obama seems to be on a role in the US Asia Pacific pivot, which goes even beyond that of regional security.  Delivering a talk on, “The U.S. Defense Rebalance to Asia”, at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Washington, D.C. on 08 April (2013), amongst other facets Deputy Secretary of Defense Ashton B. Carter, outlined importance of India in US rebalancing as a, “key part,” of the strategy. Mr Carter was fairly elaborate in the section outlining partnerships as a part of the rebalance to emphasise significant role that India is likely to play in the same. He said, “-- India – a key part of our rebalance, and, more broadly, an emerging power that we believe will help determine the broader security and prosperity of the 21stcentury”. If Indo US defence relations are to follow the trajectory outlined by Mr Carter much more would have to be done to tighten the embrace between the defence bureaucracy and the armed forces in the two countries. More over apprehensions on both sides on five key issues need to be addressed. Firstly establishing smooth relations with new incumbents, the Secretary of State John Kerry and Defence, Chuck Hagel has assumed significance, secondly even as the current stream of engagement in terms of exercises and high level visits seems to have run the full course, not much progress is evident in expanding defence trade one of the key objectives of Mr Panetta’s last visit to India. India’s apprehensions on US support to continued role in Afghanistan due to Pakistan’s resistance is the third factor, while Americans are quite unsure of whether India will be able to take on a larger mantle in the Indian Ocean Region much less in the Asia Pacific. Finally India would like to take a far less strident stand vis a vis China which may inhibit its participation in US led military activities in the Asia Pacific. Taking each of these issues one by one, first impressions of Secretary of State John Kerry and Secretary of Defence Chuck Hagel in New Delhi are not very favourable. Kerry’s proximity to the Pakistani establishment is well documented. He has most recently met with the Pakistani Army Chief General Kiyani in Jordan which may be seen by some as another indication of his alignment towards the Establishment in that country particularly so as there is political flux with elections due on 11 May.  Kerry is due for a visit to India in June for the annual dialogue. This should provide an opportunity to smoothen these wrinkles so to say. On the other hand a video that surfaced of an interaction of Mr Chuck Hagel, the Secretary of Defence at Oklahoma's Cameron University in 2011 uploaded recently by Washington Free Beacon, depicted India as having financed problems for Pakistan in Afghanistan. These views are not likely to jell in Delhi though there is possibly repositioning by Mr Hagel after having assumed the august office. The role of Mr Carter who provides continuity in the Pentagon and has had a number of interactions with Indian defence policy makers in harmonizing any apprehensions that Mr Hagel has on India would be important. Hopefully he may substantially review India’s role in Afghanistan in the context of regional rather than bilateral security vis a vis Pakistan and provide sustained support for the same which will be welcomed by New Delhi. Mr Carter performs another important role of smoothening regulations to facilitate arms trade between India and the United States.  He has had a number of interactions with the policy makers in New Delhi as well as industry. There appears to be limited progress except the call for opening up Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in defence industry by India. A review of the foundational agreements and US Arms Exports act which are main stumbling blocks for transfer of technology as well as co-production seem to be in bureaucratic stasis in Washington and/or New Delhi. How far the US administration is able to push amendments in the Congress may determine the course of this review. The UN Arms Trade Treaty passed by the General Assembly in which India abstained may be another challenge thereby posing additional impediments for expansion of relations in this sphere. Though Mr Carter said at the CSIS that both countries were engaged on this issue, “We also are working to deepen our defense cooperation – moving beyond purely defense trade towards technology sharing and co-production,” how much has really moved remains to be seen? On India’s role in the Asia Pacific, Mr Carter in his speech at the CSIS stated that the Indian and US security converged with particular reference to maritime security and other regional issues. He outlined the support to India’s, “Look East,” policy. Mr Carter said, “Our security interests with India converge on maritime security and broader regional issues, including India’s “Look East” policy.  There is limited clarity on how this will manifest much less in the US than in India due to lack of clear articulation of policy objectives in New Delhi. This has created apprehensions amongst Americans of India’s commitment to playing a larger role in practice, even though India has been quite active in expansion of its interests in the region with a strategic partnership agreement inked in December with ASEAN. Greater public diplomacy on the Indian side may be in order. However this is also linked to India’s concerns on raising the ante vis a vis China in the South East Asian region which had come to the fore in relation to oil exploration of the Vietnam coast and also presence of Indian naval ships in South China Sea a few months back. Thus India would not like to demonstrate intent of up-scaling presence in the region where there are cross sections of US and Chinese interests. In the larger perspective Indo US defence relations are set to remain on a progressive trajectory. Yet for greater impetus over the next four years of President Obama’s tenure, which may also seen a change of government or leadership in New Delhi with general elections due by 2014, issues outlined above need to be addressed on priority by both sides.